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Atlanta is the capital of Georgia, the land's largest city, and the seat of Fulton County.

According to the 2010 U.S. census, the population of Atlanta is 420,003, although the metropolitan surface area (comprising xx-eight counties and more than half dozen,000 foursquare miles) has a population of more than 5.two meg. Information technology is also one of the most of import commercial, financial, and transportation centers of the southeastern United States. Located in the northern portion of the state, Atlanta enjoys a high mean elevation—1,050 anxiety (320m) to a higher place sea level—which distinguishes it from most other southern (and eastern) cities and contributes to a more than temperate climate than is found in areas farther south.

Atlanta was founded in 1837, a century after Savannah, the state's oldest city.

History

The iii ascendant forces affecting Atlanta'southward history and development have been transportation, race relations, and the "Atlanta spirit." At each stage in the city's development, these three elements take come into play. Transportation innovations and their connections to Atlanta helped establish the city equally a land and regional center of commerce and finance. Issues of race and race relations, dating back to the years before the Civil State of war (1861-65), have affected the layout of the city and its political structure, municipal services, educational institutions, and sometimes conflicting images as a segregated southern urban center and a "Blackness mecca." And the Atlanta spirit—part civic boosterism, part vision, with a healthy dose of concern interests and priorities—has provided the city with an ever-changing prepare of goals and definitions of what Atlanta is and what information technology can get.

Railroad Terminus

Atlanta owes its origins to two important developments in the 1830s: the forcible removal of Native Americans (principally Creeks and Cherokees) from northwest Georgia and the extension of railroad lines into the land's interior. Both of these deportment sparked increased settlement and evolution in the upper Piedmont section of the state and led to Atlanta's founding.

Indian removal and the discovery of gold encouraged new settlement in the region, but it was the railroad that actually brought Atlanta into being and eventually connected it with the rest of the state and region. In 1837 engineers for the Western and Atlantic Railroad (a land-sponsored project) staked out a bespeak on a ridge near 7 miles east of the Chattahoochee River equally the southern stop of a runway line they planned to build due south from Chattanooga, Tennessee. The boondocks that emerged effectually this zero milepost was called Terminus, which literally ways "cease of the line." Had this remained the boondocks'due south only track connection, Atlanta might well accept stayed a small, stop-of-the-line frontier town. By 1846, however, two other railroad lines had converged with the Western and Atlantic in the center of town, connecting it to far-flung areas of the Southeast and spurring the city'southward growth.

Color photo of the stone zero milepost on display in downtown Atlanta — Zero Milepost

In 1843 the name of the boondocks was changed to Marthasville, in honor of the girl of onetime governor Wilson Lumpkin, who had played a fundamental role in bringing the railroad to the expanse. Two years later the city adopted a new proper noun—Atlanta. Supposedly a feminine version of the discussion Atlantic, the proper noun was first used by John Edgar Thomson, chief engineer of the Georgia Railroad, to designate his railroad'due south local depot. Governor Lumpkin, on the other hand, is said to take maintained that the city'due south new name was yet another tribute to his daughter, whose center name was Atalanta, although this story appears to exist apocryphal.

Civil State of war

By 1860 Atlanta was dwelling house to 9,554 people and was already the 4th largest city in the state. Enslaved African Americans and complimentary persons of color were part of this population, although in smaller numbers than in the older, larger port cities of the S. The activities and freedoms of both groups of African Americans, notwithstanding, were strictly controlled by laws and customs. Gatherings of enslaved and free Blacks, for case, required special sanction by the mayor; both groups had to observe strict curfews, and free persons of color could not live within the city limits without written permission of the metropolis council.

Antebellum Atlanta was a city led past merchants and railroad men, not planters, and as exclusive differences mounted, businessmen and voters in the metropolis tended to oppose secession, frequently on economic grounds. In the presidential ballot of 1860, the majority of voters bandage their ballots for Marriage candidates Stephen A. Douglas and John Bell. Only when Georgia seceded in Jan 1861, Atlanta joined with the Confederacy and rapidly became a strategically important urban center for the Southern cause. Railroad engineer Lemuel Grant, the chief engineer of the Confederate Department of Georgia, was responsible for fortifying the metropolis.

The remaining Unionists in Atlanta, whose numbers have been estimated at about 100 families, faced increased pressures to conform or leave town. For example, the Committee on Public Safety, organized in 1861, and the Vigilance Committee, formed the following year, focused much of their attention and energies on ferreting out suspected spies and exposing abolitionists and Union sympathizers. As a outcome many Unionists left the metropolis, and most of those who remained either went underground or kept a very depression profile.

During the Ceremonious State of war Atlanta became a home forepart, a major producer of war materials, and an important regional transportation and distribution centre. Many existing industries in the metropolis were presently converted to wartime product, and newly established factories provided much-needed Confederate munitions and supplies. Included amidst these new industries were the Atlanta Sword Mill and the Spiller and Burr pistol factory. The biggest ordnance producer in the city, even so, was the Confederate authorities arsenal, which produced percussion caps for muskets and pistols, small arms ammunition, saddles, bridles, cartridge boxes, canteens, and other armed forces items and employed more than v,000 men and women. A second large war-related manufacture and producer was the Quartermaster Depot, which operated a shoe factory, a tannery, and a clothing depot that employed more than 3,000 seamstresses. These industries and the employment opportunities associated with them swelled Atlanta's population from 9,000 people in 1860 to some 22,000 four years afterwards.

The same qualities that made Atlanta a strategically important boondocks for the Confederacy besides made it a tempting target for Wedlock armies, and in the summertime of 1864 Full general William T. Sherman and his troops moved closer on their Atlanta entrada. From July 20 to Baronial 25 Atlanta was subjected to a withering aerial bombardment. In the process a number of civilians were killed, and property and buildings in the city were badly damaged.

On September 2, 1864, Sherman's troops captured the urban center, and the remaining residents (almost 3,500 people, according to one estimate) were ordered to evacuate. Before Sherman's regular army departed on its famous March to the Bounding main, however, fire and Marriage soldiers demolished the city's railroad depots, the roundhouse, the automobile shops, and all other railroad support buildings. Public buildings, selected commercial enterprises, industries (including the Winship Foundry and the Atlanta Gas Calorie-free Company, which were operated by Union sympathizers), war machine installations, and blacksmith shops were too targeted. Sherman'due south instructions called for engineers to level the buildings before they were torched, simply eager and devil-may-care soldiers set up burn to many structures before the engineers arrived. As a result many Atlanta homes and businesses non marked for destruction were as well consumed in the fires that swept the metropolis on November 15, 1864.

Sherman's capture of Atlanta in 1864 had far-ranging repercussions. It secured Abraham Lincoln's U.S. presidential election victory in the autumn of that yr. It also ultimately doomed the Confederacy and its fading hopes for victory and independence. Finally, it left Atlanta burned, barren, and broke.

A New South City

The scene that greeted those Atlanta residents who returned to the city in 1864-65 was grim indeed. Much of the city lay in burned ruins, the railroad lines—the lifeblood of Atlanta—were destroyed, and there was only $1.64 in worthless Amalgamated currency in the metropolis treasury. Despite these austere atmospheric condition, Atlanta emerged from the ashes to rebuild quickly—bigger, noisier, and with even greater ambitions and goals than before.

The same strength that had contributed so greatly to Atlanta'southward founding and early growth—the railroads—once again spurred the city'due south evolution later the war. By fall 1865 all five of the urban center'south rail lines were once more operational, and by the plough of the century, xv lines passed through the city, with more than 150 trains arriving in Atlanta every day. The impact of the railroads was felt all over the city. Railroads lay at the heart of the local economy, swelled the city'southward numbers, connected Atlanta to afar markets, shaped its physical layout, and supported Atlanta'south grandiose claims to being the "Gate Urban center" to the region and the "Chicago of the Southward."

Because of the city'southward important railroad connections, both wholesale and retail merchandise increased in the postal service–Civil War catamenia, and past 1890 Atlanta was a clear leader in the region'southward commercial evolution. Industrial development also increased, and although the city never became an industrial heart like Birmingham, Alabama, nearly a third of its economic base in the 1880s was tied to manufacturing, including a large number of enterprises connected to railroads and cotton processing. Atlanta'south increasing size and regional importance was also underscored by the urban center'south pick in 1868 equally Georgia'southward new country capital letter, replacing Milledgeville.

Equally Atlanta'southward economy grew and diversified, so also did its population. Betwixt 1865 and 1867 about 20,000 people moved to the city, and by 1900 the population had grown to almost 90,000. Atlanta was at present the largest city in the state and the third largest in the Southeast. Adding to this growing population were big numbers of African Americans, drawn to the urban center by opportunities for didactics and employment. In 1860 African Americans in the city numbered less than 2,000; past 1900 there were more than 35,000 Black Atlantans—approximately 40 per centum of the total population of the metropolis.

Many of these new African American residents clustered in segregated neighborhoods or communities next to emerging Black institutions of higher pedagogy—in eastward Atlanta in the Old 4th Ward, where Morris Brownish College was originally located; on the southward side, where Clark Higher (later Clark Atlanta Academy) was first established; and on the west side, where Atlanta Academy (later Clark Atlanta Academy) and later Spelman and Morehouse colleges were located. Elsewhere, Blackness Atlantans were largely confined to low-lying, flood-prone areas and other less desirable sections of the city. Despite these restrictions, the presence of this potent nucleus of Black colleges and growing economic opportunities laid the foundation for an emerging and influential Black center grade.

Among Atlanta's white business and civic leaders, the city's goals were oriented around a new vision for the region called the "New S" philosophy, which was ably promoted and popularized by local paper editor Henry W. Grady. In his many editorials and speeches on the subject field, Grady emphasized that the region's and Atlanta'south best hope for growth and prosperity lay in reconciliation with the North, more industry, less dependence upon cotton wool and staple ingather agriculture, and a more diversified economy. Better pedagogy (particularly in industrial engineering and engineering) was also an important component of this philosophy, and in 1888 the Georgia Institute of Technology opened its doors in Atlanta to address this need. Other white institutions of college educational activity in Atlanta included Oglethorpe University, which reopened afterwards the Civil War, and Agnes Scott College for women, which opened in Decatur in 1889 and became the first higher in metropolitan Atlanta to exist accredited by the Southern Clan of Colleges and Schools.

Henry Grady and other business and civic leaders of Atlanta during this period looked for opportunities to showcase the potential of the metropolis and the New South, and one of their favorite devices was the grand off-white or exposition. In 1881 Atlanta hosted the International Cotton Exposition, which drew 350,000 people from thirty-iii states and seven strange countries, and in 1887 the Piedmont Exposition opened with U.South. president Grover Cleveland in attendance. The 1000 showcase of them all, however, was the 1895 Cotton wool States and International Exposition, which featured buildings and exhibits devoted to minerals, agriculture, forestry, manufacturing, railroads, transportation, and electricity. Modeled on the Chicago Columbian Exposition (held two years earlier), the 1895 exposition also added a building devoted to the "New Adult female" and a "Negro Building," designed, constructed, and managed past African Americans and intended to highlight the accomplishments and potential of Black southerners.

The Negro Edifice's separate status at the exposition paralleled the increasing separation of the races that was occurring in Atlanta and elsewhere throughout the South. By the turn of the century, segregation ordinances and regulations (usually known as "Jim Crow") were firmly in place to proceed the two groups apart and define their respective rights, privileges, and social status. When Booker T. Washington, the virtually widely recognized Blackness educator in the country, addressed the opening day crowds at the 1895 exposition, he provided a prescription for Black development and progress that seemed to condone Jim Crow. White leaders of Atlanta and the Southward applauded Washington'south approach; critics labeled his speech the "Atlanta Compromise."

"Forward Atlanta"

As the new century dawned, Atlanta experienced a catamenia of unprecedented growth. In 3 decades' fourth dimension the city's population tripled, and the city limits expanded to add together new communities like Edgewood, Kirkwood, and Westward End to its boundaries. Beyond the metropolis limits new suburban developments arose, made possible by the presence offset of the streetcar and later of the auto. Fifty-fifty Atlanta's skyline began to expand and change with the addition of the metropolis's earliest skyscrapers—the Equitable, Flatiron, Empire, and Candler buildings—and new commercial and government structures.

Atlanta's explosive growth was regarded by most metropolis boosters every bit a positive development, one that ought to exist promoted and encouraged. Louie Newton, editor of the Urban center Architect magazine, lauded what he termed the "Atlanta Spirit"—the pervasive belief that whatever was expert for business was practiced for Atlanta and all Atlantans. In the proper noun of concern and progress, the urban center's early on-twentieth-century boosters encouraged non simply commercial growth but also the evolution of a myriad of cultural, creative, and sports activities and institutions that they hoped would transform Atlanta into an urban centre of regional and national prominence. In the process of promoting and implementing these changes, Atlanta was remade and its economic, cultural, and physical structure dramatically altered.

Atlanta's early-twentieth-century growth and expansion was based in part on the development of a new economical orientation for the city. In the nineteenth century the city'south economic system had been centered on the railroad. In the post-obit century the railroad's economic impact (though still significant) lessened, and Atlanta featured a more diversified economic club based on commerce and the establishment of the city every bit a regional business organisation center. In 1925 Ivan Allen Sr. and W.R.C. Smith of the Atlanta Chamber of Commerce launched a national advertising campaign entitled "Frontwards Atlanta," which was designed to lure new businesses to the city and to encourage national corporations to establish their regional headquarters there. The campaign was extremely successful, bringing thousands of jobs and adding an estimated $34 million in annual payrolls to the city'south economy. Included among these businesses were such giants equally Sears-Roebuck (which built its southeastern retail and mail-order headquarters in Atlanta) and General Motors (which established a manufacturing plant in the metropolis).

On the other side of the color line, a dissever business and entertainment district for African Americans was growing along Auburn Avenue. With the rise of Jim Crow and increased racial violence and hostility (including a 1906 race riot), Blackness businesses began to locate along the avenue in the old Quaternary Ward, where a sizable African American residential community and influential Black churches (such as First Congregational, Big Bethel African Methodist Episcopal, Wheat Street Baptist, and Ebenezer Baptist) were already present.

Black-owned and-operated part buildings and multi-use structures (like the Rucker, Odd Fellows, and Herndon buildings), entertainment centers (like the Top Hat Club), insurance companies (Standard Life Insurance and Atlanta Life Insurance companies), stores, banks and lending institutions (Denizen Trust Bank and Common Federal), hotels, restaurants, beauty schools, funeral homes, and newspapers (including the Atlanta Contained and later the Atlanta Daily World) were all located along the street that John Wesley Dobbs, a Black congenial, political, and civic leader, would dub "Sweet Auburn." As the Atlanta Independent observed in 1926, Auburn Avenue "is an institution with influence and power non simply among Georgians but American Negroes everywhere. It is the heart of Negro big business, a result of Negro cooperation and evidence of Negro possibility."

Auburn Artery was also the past-production of rigid segregation, and Martin Luther King Jr., who was born on Auburn Avenue and whose father and grandfather were preachers at nearby Ebenezer Baptist Church, witnessed immediate both the bright promise and the disheartening racial discrimination that Auburn Avenue represented.

Race and race relations also played a function in the distribution of municipal services, as the city worked to build the infrastructure necessary to back up rapid urban growth. For much of the early twentieth century, h2o and sewer lines in Atlanta lagged behind population growth, many roads remained unpaved, public schools were overcrowded and underfunded, and wellness care and social services were inadequate to the task at manus. Each of these bug was even more than acute in the urban center's Black neighborhoods and communities. (As late as 1941-42, for example, the metropolis spent less than xvi percent of its annual school funds on African American students.) To assistance remedy some of the problems facing Atlanta, city voters (including registered Blackness voters) passed a $iii million bond plebiscite in 1910, the largest to date, and another bond referendum in 1921, which not merely helped address some of the educational needs facing white students but besides provided funds for the construction of Atlanta'southward first Blackness public high schoolhouse—Booker T. Washington—which opened on the west side of Atlanta in 1924.

As the city's population swelled, racial and ethnic tensions grew as well. In 1906 a violent race anarchism bankrupt out in Atlanta. When the bloodshed finally ended, the city officially listed twelve dead (ten Black and two white) and seventy injured, although newspaper accounts reported a much higher number of deaths. The metropolis also listed hundreds of thousands of dollars' worth of property damage to Black businesses and homes. In 1913 tensions and emotions erupted again during the trial of Leo Frank, a Jewish businessman, defendant of the murder of Mary Phagan, a young white manufactory worker. Frank'south trial was marked past sensationalist printing coverage and virulent anti-Semitism, and in the finish he was found guilty. In 1915, later on his death penalty was commuted to life imprisonment, Frank was forcibly taken from his Milledgeville cell past a mob and lynched in Marietta.

Both the race riot and the Leo Frank lynching had far-ranging results. The Frank case brought almost important changes in the legal arrangement and encouraged the local Jewish community to course the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai Brith. The 1906 race riot also contributed to the formation of local organizations defended to easing racial tensions and violence, such every bit the Committee on Inter-Racial Cooperation and the Association of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching. Both events also contributed, in part, to the reemergence of the Ku Klux Klan. Reborn on Rock Mountain in 1915, the Klan fabricated its headquarters in Atlanta (designated the "Imperial Metropolis of the Invisible Empire"). By 1923 the city's Nathan Bedford Forrest Klan No.1 had a membership of more 15,000, including many notable businessmen, educators, clergy, and politicians.

At the same time that racial barriers were beingness established and strengthened in the city, the patterns of Atlanta'southward residential and municipal evolution were besides being affected by the arrival of a new mode of transportation—the automobile. The automobile's growing apply in downtown Atlanta contributed to the creation of a serial of viaducts to raise the city's streets in a higher place the railroads and railroad lines and grade-level crossings. The machine also helped disperse the city's residential population farther into the suburbs, sparking a suburban real-manor blast and the cosmos of a band of center-class, bungalow-style houses and communities two to five miles from downtown. Included in this ring were Home Park and Virginia Highland on the north, Candler Park/Edgewood on the east, Sylvan Hills and West End on the southward, and Washington Park—a Black suburban development—on the west side. The machine also encouraged Atlanta'south white elite to movement away from the centre of the city—peculiarly to the north. Past 1930 almost half of all Atlantans listed in the Social Register lived north of Ansley Park—many of them in Buckhead, which grew from a population of two,603 in 1920 to x,356 ten years later.

Automobiles were non the but new mode of transportation to make its mark in this catamenia. The airplane too made its appearance in the city in the 1920s, and by the terminate of the decade, Atlanta had an airfield, a passenger terminal, air mail and passenger routes, and an early connection with the airline industry that would serve the city well in the future. The person most responsible for establishing this air connection was a young city councilman who would afterwards become the longtime mayor of Atlanta—William B. Hartsfield.

By the eve of World War II (1941-45), Atlanta was the center of an impressive network of air-, car, and track lines. The construction of a highway link to Savannah in 1935 and Georgia'southward commencement "expressway," running between Atlanta and Marietta, in 1938 was besides establishing the city'due south importance as a regional trucking heart. In the decades to follow, these transportation links expanded and grew in importance equally Atlanta established its preeminent position as the transportation capital of the Southeast.

The Smashing Depression and Earth War Two

The growth and prosperity that characterized Atlanta during the early on decades of the twentieth century were shaken by the severe economic depression that gripped the nation in the 1930s. Similar many cities in the S, Atlanta was poorly prepared to come across the emergency. In fact, Atlanta ranked concluding amid similar-sized cities in the nation in 1930 in terms of its per capita expenditures for welfare, and there were few municipal agencies or programs in place to aid the chop-chop growing number of unemployed.

Relief for unemployed and underemployed Atlantans finally arrived in the early on 1930s with the inauguration of Franklin D. Roosevelt every bit U.S. president and the institution of his New Deal legislation and programs. Atlanta took full advantage of the funds and resources made available by these New Deal programs and became ane of the kickoff cities in the nation to take a federally operated relief program. Agencies such as the Civil Works Administration, the Public Works Administration, and the Works Progress Administration (WPA) pumped millions of dollars into Atlanta projects and employed thousands of city residents in the process. Projects undertaken by these agencies included the building and repair of area schools, hospitals, gymnasiums, and other public institutions; the grading of runways at the city'due south airport, Candler Field; the organization of a forty-5-member symphony orchestra; the repair and touchup of the Cyclorama, a 358-foot-in-circumference mural depicting the Civil War Battle of Atlanta; and the construction of a new sewer system.

The New Bargain also spurred the construction of the nation'due south offset public housing projects—Techwood Homes for whites, which opened in 1935, and University Homes for African Americans, which opened in 1938. The idea for these projects had originated with an Atlanta real estate developer, Charles F. Palmer, who wished to rid the city of some of its slums and replace them with federally funded public housing. As well involved in lobbying for this public housing was John Hope, president of Atlanta University.

By the belatedly 1930s the severity of the depression in Atlanta was start to lessen. Private business organization was picking up, the federal authorities trimmed the number of WPA workers in the city, the banks were all back in performance, and aviation continued to be a growth manufacture for Atlanta. It would take World War Ii and the industrial development and expenditures associated with that endeavour, all the same, to return Atlanta to full prosperity and launch the city into a new era of growth and transformation.

World War II (1941-45) was a watershed event for the South in general and Atlanta in item. Between 1940 and 1945 the federal government invested more than $10 billion in state of war industries and military bases located in the Due south. Information technology expended millions more than on such related projects equally public housing, health-care facilities, and aid to schools near military facilities. In Atlanta these wartime activities helped terminate the depression; swelled the metropolis's population; spread a broad internet of federal installations throughout the metropolitan surface area; enlisted Blacks and whites, men and women, in the armed forces and in war-related industries; and brought to the forefront forces that would dramatically affect the urban center's race relations and politics in the post–World War II era.

Thousands of soldiers and armed forces support personnel passed through or were stationed in Atlanta during the war at area bases and support facilities, including Fort McPherson, Fort Gillem, the Naval Air Station, and the Army Infirmary and Airfield. War-related industries too played a fundamental office in the local economy. Virtually 100 Atlanta businesses devoted their total output to the war effort. The largest of these operations was the Bell Bomber (later, Bell Aircraft) establish, located in Marietta, which employed 28,158 workers (including a sizeable number of women and African Americans) at its top in 1945. Some other famous Atlanta business connected with the war endeavour was Coca-Cola, which distributed Cokes to servicemen and -women around the world during the war for five cents a canteen and, in the procedure, became a truly international corporation. Too during this time, the forerunner of Atlanta Technical College was established in downtown Atlanta, and offered vocational training.

Postwar Developments: Hartsfield and Allen Administrations

The industrial and business growth that occurred during World War Two connected and accelerated in Atlanta during the postwar years. In 1947 a new Ford car assembly plant was opened in Hapeville, and the following twelvemonth General Motors opened a new mill in Doraville. Bong Aircraft, the city'southward biggest wartime employer, scaled down drastically first in mid-1945 but reopened as Lockheed-Georgia in early 1951. By 1954 there were 800 new industries in Atlanta and almost 1,200 national corporations with offices in the city.

Rapid population growth accompanied this postwar economical activity, and Atlanta expanded its borders to accommodate the growth. In 1952 the city annexed an boosted 82 square miles, calculation 100,000 new residents. Highways and freeways were also built and expanded to meet the metropolis'south growing demand. Well before federal money became available in the late 1950s under the interstate highway program, Atlanta was already working on its freeways—an approach that allowed the urban center to link up subsequently with 3 major interstate highways that continued Atlanta to the region and fed suburban metropolitan growth. Highway construction (combined with urban renewal activities) too lowered the supply of Black housing inside the metropolis—displacing most 67,000 people in the period from 1956 to 1966 and adding to an already astringent housing shortage. Past 1959 African Americans made up 36 percent of the city'southward population but occupied only 16 percent of the available residential state.

In the 1960s the traditional colour line in housing, education, and politics in Atlanta began to crumble as African Americans asserted their increasing political ability and the ceremonious rights movement began to focus attention and energy on the overthrow of Jim Crow. In 1961 Black college students began a sit-in movement to desegregate downtown restaurants and other public facilities. That autumn, the city also began the court-ordered desegregation of its public schools as ix Black students (chosen from a pool of 133 applicants) peacefully integrated four Atlanta loftier schools—Brownish, Henry Grady, Potato, and Northside.

Another of import racial barrier roughshod in 1962, when courts ordered the removal of city barricades forth Peyton Road in southwest Atlanta that had been erected to prevent Blackness residential expansion into that area'due south majority white neighborhoods. This decision opened up new areas of the urban center for Black residential development (specially in southwest Atlanta). Information technology also accelerated the exodus of white Atlantans to the suburbs. During the 1960s the white population of the city declined by 60,132, while the Black population increased by 68,587. The 1970 census revealed that Atlanta had a majority Black population for the first time in the metropolis'south history.

Changes in the racial makeup of the urban center were accompanied by equally important changes in the political structure of Atlanta. In 1969 Maynard Jackson was elected the metropolis's outset African American vice mayor (along with Sam Massell, the urban center'due south first Jewish mayor), and in 1972 Andrew Young, a colleague and adjutant of Martin Luther Rex Jr., became the first Black congressman from Georgia since Reconstruction. Black representation in the Georgia legislature also increased during these years, and a sea alter in local politics occurred in 1973, when Maynard Jackson became Atlanta'southward first African American mayor and Blacks gained equal representation on the city council and a slight majority on the school board.

Equally dramatic and sudden equally these changes seemed to be, they were really the result of a serial of events, legal challenges, courtroom victories, and grudging merely gradual accommodations to increasing Blackness political strength that began in the years after World War II. The repeal of the poll tax by the Georgia legislature in 1945 and the invalidation of the white primary past the U.S. Supreme Court the following twelvemonth, for example, removed two very of import barriers to Black participation in state and local elections. The greatest impetus to increased Black voter registration in Atlanta, however, was a very successful and well-organized registration drive created and organized in 1946 by a number of Blackness political and civic organizations, leading to the formation of the Atlanta Negro Voters League. Every bit a result of this bulldoze, almost xiv,500 new African American voters in Atlanta were added to the rolls in three months. While still a political minority, Blacks were gaining growing electoral strength, which convinced Mayor William Hartsfield to begin seeking African American support and to kickoff addressing some issues of concern to the city's Black communities through placidity, behind-the-scenes negotiations.

The interests and goals of the metropolis's white business leaders—always an important element of the Atlanta Spirit—also had a major impact on the city's approach to ceremonious rights during this era. Such business organization leaders as Coca-Cola CEO Robert Woodruff were concerned about Atlanta's epitome in national business circles and wished to avoid the racial violence and disturbances that had beset other southern cities, including Little Stone, Arkansas, New Orleans, Louisiana, and Birmingham, Alabama. Hartsfield is credited with coining the slogan "the Urban center Too Busy to Hate" to draw attention to this regional distinction, and although the fall of Jim Crow was agonizingly slow at times, Atlanta was at least spared major racial unrest.

Hartsfield'south successor, Ivan Allen Jr., the son of a prominent local businessman and a quondam president of the chamber of commerce, also recognized the importance of the urban center's reputation and its continued attractiveness to national corporations. Subsequently an initial unsuccessful attempt to cake Black residential expansion, Allen became an abet of ceremonious rights and a strong supporter of Martin Luther King Jr.'southward attempts to end segregation and advance equal rights. In 1963 he testified before the U.S. Senate Commerce Committee in favor of a civil rights pecker—the only southern elected official to do so.

Allen's plans for Atlanta in the 1960s as well chosen for the construction of new public facilities, continued business growth, boosted low-income housing (to supersede dwellings lost to urban renewal and highway construction), and the development of a mass transit arrangement. By the terminate of his term of part in 1969, many of these changes had taken place or were in process. Urban renewal had cleared large tracts of the city, and in some of these areas, new public housing and public facilities (including a civic auditorium) had been built.

The construction of a new sports stadium (Atlanta–Fulton County Stadium ) on land cleared by urban renewal also helped realize Atlanta's dream to become "a large league city." Both the Atlanta Braves baseball squad (which moved from Milwaukee in 1966) and the Atlanta Falcons football game team (which began play in the fall of that year) initially played their games in this new stadium, and other professional sports teams soon followed. In 1968 the Atlanta Hawks basketball team relocated to the city from St. Louis, Missouri, and in 1972 the Atlanta Flames (later the Calgary, Alberta, Flames) of the National Hockey League opened play in the Omni—a $17 million entertainment and sports facility that both teams would share.

Continued business growth was promoted through a second "Forward Atlanta" campaign, which, much every bit its predecessor had washed forty years earlier, advertised the unique resources and potential of the metropolis. Once over again the campaign was a success, luring many new businesses to Atlanta. Business growth was accompanied by a vertical expansion of the city through the construction of new skyscrapers and office buildings. High-ascent hotels were a key component of this evolution, representing both the increasing economic importance of the hospitality and tourism industry to the urban center and the touch on of local builder John Portman. Portman'southward blueprint and structure of a complex of role towers, hotels, retail shops, restaurants, and convention space, known as Peachtree Heart, spurred additional loftier-rise construction in the downtown area (seventeen buildings of more than than fifteen floors were built in the 1960s) and helped reposition the commercial centre of the city further north along Peachtree Street.

Transportation, always an important cistron in Atlanta's growth and development, had a significant touch on on the city in the 1960s and 1970s. Atlanta's connections to three interstate highways continued during this period to direct and facilitate suburban growth and anchored the regional trucking manufacture to the city. Air travel also became increasingly important every bit Atlanta Municipal Aerodrome (later Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport) emerged as one of the busiest air hubs in the nation. In 1961 the airport opened an $18 million air terminal, which handled 3.5 million passengers the kickoff year. Past 1970 the number of passengers had quadrupled to more than 14 million annually. Atlanta's air connections to other U.S. cities (2,400 flights a 24-hour interval to 135 cities in 1980) in plough nourished the urban center's tourism and convention business, helping Atlanta become the third busiest convention center in the land. Public transit—a key element in the plans for Atlanta during this era—also came into being in 1971 as voters approved past a narrow margin the funding and creation of the Metropolitan Atlanta Rapid Transit Authority (MARTA), which combined public passenger vehicle routes with rapid rail service.

Suburban Metropolis and International City

In the concluding two decades of the twentieth century, Atlanta experienced a continuation of a number of significant trends that had emerged in the years after World War 2 as well as the ancestry of new ones. Suburban growth and development continued and in fact accelerated, equally the total number of residents in the metropolitan area grew from 2 one thousand thousand in 1980 to more than 4 meg in 2000. Office buildings and retail establishments followed this population growth and movement to the suburbs, peculiarly on the north side of the metropolis. Racial divisions that had emerged between suburb and urban center during the 1960s remained axiomatic, with the metropolis retaining a bulk Black population while the suburbs were majority white. The dramatic change that had occurred in the local political structure with the ballot of Maynard Jackson as the city'due south first African American mayor also continued on course, as Jackson was followed in office past Black mayors Andrew Young (1982); Maynard Jackson again (1990); Bill Campbell (1994); Shirley Franklin (2002), the first woman in the city's history to agree that role; Kasim Reed (2010); and Keisha Lance Bottoms (2018).

In the transportation sector airplanes and automobiles continued to have the biggest impact on the metropolitan region. In 1971 the Atlanta airport was rechristened Hartsfield Atlanta International Airport—in recognition of both the important office Hartsfield (who died that year) had played in the development of aviation in Atlanta and the city's hopes to become an international destination and histrion in the world market. At that time the but true international connexion at Hartsfield was a unmarried Eastern Airlines route to Mexico City.A decade later, everything had changed. The deregulation of the airline industry in the late 1970s and the adoption of a hub-and-spoke system suited Atlanta and gained its airport an increasing number of international routes. Most importantly, a mammoth final had been built—at a cost of some $450 1000000, and with a quarter of those bids going to minority businesses. The new terminal was a signature achievement for Mayor Jackson who ensured that the piece of work was completed "alee of schedule and under budget." In 2003 the airport was renamed Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Aerodrome in honor of Jackson's contributions to the city. By so, Hartsfield-Jackson was the busiest airdrome in the world, carrying more than 78 million passengers.

Automobiles, the transportation mode that had done and so much to shape the city in the first half of the twentieth century, continued to affect the layout and lifestyles of metropolitan Atlanta in the final decades of the century. Equally the numbers of residents in the outlying areas continued to grow, the Georgia Department of Transportation responded past increasing the number of rider lanes on Interstates 85, 75, and twenty (including the construction of loftier-occupancy vehicle lanes to encourage carpooling, and later, the introduction of optional toll lanes, which allow motorists the option of avoiding congested routes—provided that they tin afford the variable tolls) and also on Interstate 285, the high-speed, limited-access highway that encircles the city. Georgia 400, a cost road until 2013, was completed in 1993 and intended to connect suburban communities north of Atlanta to the urban center. By the plough of the century two.v one thousand thousand vehicles were registered in the metropolitan area, and motorists were driving approximately 100 million miles every day on Atlanta highways and roads.

MARTA, once envisioned every bit a cure for Atlanta'south dependence upon automobile travel and the city'south nonpedestrian orientation, did not fulfill either of these goals. Suburban counties resisted the expansion of MARTA track and double-decker lines into their jurisdictions, and rights-of-fashion for rail expansion in other areas proved extremely costly. New rails stations and track were added, all the same, to the main north-south line, resulting in a rapid-rail route that stretches from the Chamblee-Dunwoody expanse in north DeKalb County through downtown Atlanta to the airport on the southward side of the region. More recently the Atlanta BeltLine, an ambitious pedestrian and lite-rail transit corridor scheduled to circumvolve the metropolis by 2030, opened its first segment in the city's West End neighborhood in 2008.

The changes in Atlanta's transportation sectors—especially at Hartsfield—also supported the metropolis's bid during this period to increase its convention and tourism business. The connected expansion of the Globe Congress Heart (which was expanded in 2002 to total 1.4 million square feet of exhibition space), the potential revitalization of Underground Atlanta (a subterranean complex of shops, bars, and cafés on the original street level of the urban center that was sold to the existent estate investment firm WRS Inc. in 2014 for $25.75 million), and the structure of sports facilities—Turner Field for the Braves (which was replaced by Truist Park in Cobb County and later redeveloped every bit Center Parc Stadium ), the Georgia Dome for the Falcons (which was demolished and replaced by Mercedes-Benz Stadium in 2017), and Philips Loonshit (later Country Farm Arena) for the Hawks—contributed to this effort also. These downtown facilities provided residents and tourists with increased options for entertainment and were seen as a style of combating the movement of near major retail and many commercial enterprises and industries to the outlying suburbs.Other additions to the city's growing downtown entertainment and convention district include the Children's Museum of Atlanta in 2003; the Georgia Aquarium in 2005; an enlarged Earth Coca-Cola museum in 2007; the National Middle for Civil and Homo Rights in 2014; and the College Football Hall of Fame in 2014.

The Atlanta Spirit, which had shaped the city's changing notions of its status, orientation, and destination throughout its history, also came into play during this period as political and borough boosters connected to promote Atlanta as the "world'due south adjacent great metropolis." To exist certain, there was some basis to Atlanta's claim of international status in the 1980s and 1990s. By 1995, for example, more 1,000 strange companies from 35 foreign countries were located in the metro area, too as 37 foreign consulates and 20 trade and tourism offices. Atlanta's resident population was besides becoming more diverse, every bit new ethnic and cultural groups from Central and South America, Asia, Africa, and the Caribbean moved into the urban center and the surrounding metropolitan region in increasing numbers. In addition, many of Atlanta's highest-profile businesses, such as Coca-Cola, Cable News Network (CNN), and United Parcel Service (UPS) were known throughout the world.

Perchance the greatest indication of Atlanta's ascent international condition, however, was the awarding of the 1996 centennial summer Olympic Games to the city. Nearly Atlantans considered the games a success, although some athletes and international visitors and journalists complained of inadequate lodging and transportation facilities. The Olympics were also marred by the explosion of a bomb that killed one person and injured more than 100 others. On the positive side, still, the games contributed to the construction and improvement of many public buildings and facilities in downtown Atlanta, including the Olympic Stadium (which became Turner Field) and the xx-one-acre Centennial Olympic Park. The Olympic Village housing was converted to student housing for Georgia Tech and Georgia State University (GSU); in 2007 GSU transferred ownership of its portion of the former village to Georgia Tech.

These important trends in population growth, residential distribution and makeup, transportation, and business organization and commerce characterized a metropolis and metropolitan area that at the plow of the twentieth century appeared to be vibrant, growing, and economically strong. There were some troubling signs likewise, however, associated with these trends. Unchecked suburban growth and widespread auto utilise, for example, contributed to hard traffic problems and environmental issues, including increased pollution. From 1988 to 1998 the Atlanta surface area lost some 190,000 acres of tree cover to residential and commercial development in the suburban metropolis.

In 1999 the region endured a tape sixty-nine days of smog alerts, and the average traffic commute of thirty-ii minutes, already the longest in the nation, became fifty-fifty slower also, as interstates and highways filled up with cars. Such issues caused legislators to make changes to the state's environmental policy. Also in 1999 the Environmental Protection Agency ruled that Atlanta did non comply with the 1990 Clean Air Act—a decision that threatened to halt $1 billion in federal highway funds and an additional $700 one thousand thousand that had already been canonical for highway projects before the ruling. The state government responded with urgent appeals to workers to telecommute and/or ride-share, and established the Greater Regional Transportation Authority with the ability to create a regional public transit arrangement and the power to compel metro counties to pay for it.

The significant racial carve up between urban center and suburb actually lessened somewhat toward the turn of the century every bit Blackness suburbanization increased and a pocket-sized dorsum-to-the-city movement among white Atlantans gained momentum—trends that only increased in the new century. Residential segregation connected, all the same, as did significant differences in income and job opportunities between inner city and suburban residents. At the turn of the century, the poverty rate for the entire metropolitan surface area was only nine.iv percentage, while within the urban center information technology was 24.four percent. Similarly, from 1980 to 1990 the primal city's share of jobs in the region dropped from forty to 30 percentage, while northern suburbs' share rose from 40 to 52 per centum.

Equally this historical overview suggests, problems as well as opportunities associated with urban growth, race, and transportation take long been a role of Atlanta'southward history, and they are probable to influence the development and grapheme of this city and region for years, and perhaps decades, to come.

Population Patterns

The city of Atlanta itself is relatively small-scale, with a land area of just over 131 square miles. The urban center'south population, which peaked in 1970 at 496,973, shrank by some 71,951 people as that decade progressed and by some other 31,262 in the 1980s. This trend of declining numbers now appears to have halted; in 2000 the total primal-city population was 416,474 and in 2010 it rose to 420,003, making Atlanta the fortieth largest key city in the Usa. By 2014 the metropolis'due south population had grown to approximately 456,000.

With few natural barriers to contain or restrict the region's growth, the population of the Atlanta metropolitan area has continued to abound, from 2,029,710 in 1980 to v,268,860 in 2010. During the 1990s Atlanta outpaced all other metropolitan areas in the United states except Phoenix, Arizona, in its charge per unit of population growth, and in 2013 it ranked as the ninth largest metropolitan area in the country. The dispersed nature of Atlanta's population and growth has contributed to its having 1 of the smallest population densities of all major metropolitan regions in the United States.

For much of its history Atlanta could be described every bit a biracial city, with whites and Blacks constituting the vast majority of the resident population. In 1940 simply 1.4 percentage of Atlanta's population was foreign-born, and this figure was little changed a decade later. In the early 1980s, however, the indigenous and racial landscape of the metropolis and the metropolitan area began to change, every bit individual relief agencies resettled refugees from Southeast Asia, Transitional islamic state of afghanistan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia, and Eastern Europe in the area and Atlanta's booming economy and job opportunities drew big numbers of immigrants from Mexico and other countries in Central and South America, the Caribbean, the Center East, and West Africa. By 2014 Hispanics constituted 5.two percent of the metropolis population, Asians fabricated up another 3.1 percent, and those of two or more races totaled 2 percent. In the metropolitan surface area as a whole, a similar change has been occurring. Demography data from 2010 also indicate that approximately xiii.five percent of the metropolitan population is at present foreign-built-in.

Despite these changes, the two largest population groups in the Atlanta metropolitan surface area continue to be African Americans and whites, with African Americans constituting a majority presence inside the city (54 percent in 2014, downwards from 61.4 percent in 2000) and whites the predominant residential group in the suburbs (66.3 percent in 2000). That pattern continues to modify every bit whites move into the city and Blackness suburbanization continues to advance. (Between 2000 and 2002, for example, more 9,000 new white residents moved into the city.) In add-on, Atlantans, both Black and white, according to contempo surveys, are now more willing to alive in integrated neighborhoods—a Brookings Institution written report noted that the number of metropolitan Atlanta residents living in the about integrated neighborhoods rose by 2,500 pct during the 1990s (while the number in the nearly segregated areas dropped by 39 percent). Residential segregation of the races is still very axiomatic, however, and according to an Associated Press analysis of 1990 and 2000 Blackness-white housing patterns, Atlanta remains the near segregated metropolis in Georgia and the 2d most segregated metropolis in the nation (backside Chicago, Illinois).

Economy

Atlanta'south dramatic population growth in the last few decades has been matched by equally impressive economic growth. The city is, by most measures, the business capital of the Southeast. It is also the headquarters for some of the nation's (and the globe'due south) all-time-known companies, including Coca-Cola, CNN, UPS, Georgia-Pacific, the Dwelling house Depot, and Delta Air Lines. In addition to these corporate giants, more than 4-fifths of the nation's largest businesses maintain branch offices in the metropolitan area.

Atlanta's economy is also tied closely to government agencies and activities, transportation, and the hospitality and convention industry. Every bit the capital of Georgia, the city is host to a wide array of state departments and agencies. The Atlanta metropolitan expanse likewise has the largest concentration of federal agencies outside of Washington, D.C., including the national headquarters for the Centers for Disease Command and Prevention. Dobbins Air Reserve Base continues as an active military installation, while Naval Air Station Atlanta closed in 2009, followed by Fort McPherson in 2011. Taken as a whole, these governmental bodies constitute one of the metropolitan area's largest employers and a force that has exerted considerable influence in the terminal five decades on Atlanta'south development and irresolute economy. In fact, with the increasing move of jobs, retail industries, and office buildings to the urban perimeter, the local, state, and federal government presence in downtown Atlanta has proven to be one of the surface area's stabilizing influences.

Atlanta's ties to transportation include Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport (ane of the pinnacle two busiest airports in the world), three interstate highways that intersect in Atlanta, and a nexus of freight and passenger rail lines. All of these transportation connections bring commerce, products, and people to the Atlanta surface area and provide employment, either direct or indirectly, to many of the region's citizens.

Since the 1970s the hospitality, tourism, and convention industry has been another primal element of Atlanta'due south economy, spurring the construction of new hotels, convention spaces, and related industries. From 1965 to 1975, for case, the number of hotel rooms in the downtown surface area alone increased from 4,000 to fourteen,000, and past 1972 Atlanta ranked third among cities (abaft only Chicago and New York) in terms of convention business organisation. Facilitating this growth was the construction of such large support facilities as the Merchandise Mart (which opened in 1961 and was expanded in 1968), the Civic Center (1965), the Clothes Mart (1979, expanded in 1989), and the Georgia World Congress Center (opened in 1976). Past 2000 more than 3 million people a twelvemonth attended conventions in Atlanta and stayed in the metropolitan area's 88,000 hotel rooms.

The Arts

Atlanta is home to a thriving arts community, with dozens of art museums, a professional person ballet company, a puppetry arts eye, and many performance spaces for theater, music, and dance. The Atlanta Ballet is the oldest professional dance company in America, equally well as the largest cocky-supported arts organization in Georgia. The Atlanta Ballet performs at the Fox Theatre and the Cobb Free energy Performing Arts Center.

Atlanta'southward theater scene is a vibrant one, offering such established venues as Histrion's Express, Alliance Theatre, Dad'due south Garage Theatre, Fox Theatre, Horizon Theatre Visitor, SCADshow, 7 Stages Theater, Shakespeare Tavern, and Theatrical Outfit. The Center for Puppetry Arts was the first puppetry center in the Us, and features performances and a hands-on museum that includes the Jim Henson Drove.

The High Museum of Art is the premier fine art museum in the Southeast, with a collection of more 11,000 works of art, including American, African, folk, decorative, modern and contemporary, and photography. Other important museums are the Michael C. Carlos Museum at Emory University, the Museum of Design (which is an chapter of the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C.), and the Atlanta Contemporary Art Center. Cultural, science, and historical museums include the William Breman Jewish Heritage Museum, the Atlanta History Center (featuring 3 celebrated houses, the Margaret Mitchell House, Swan Business firm, and Tullie Smith Subcontract; the Atlanta History Museum; the James G. Kenan Research Center; and thirty-iii acres of landscape and historic gardens), the African American Panoramic Experience Museum (APEX), and the Fernbank Museum of Natural History.

Classical music has a long tradition in Atlanta. The Atlanta Symphony Orchestra performs more than 200 concerts a yr and has received international acclaim for its performances and recordings. The Atlanta Bedchamber Players are among the finest bedroom music groups.

The Woodruff Arts Middle, a state-of-the-art complex, is the precious stone in Atlanta'southward crown and is home to the Atlanta Symphony Orchestra, the Alliance Theatre, the Atlanta Higher of Art, and the High Museum of Art, which was designed by the noted postmodern architect Richard Meier.

Sports and Recreation

Atlanta claims a number of major-league sports teams: the Braves baseball team; the Falcons football team; the Hawks basketball game team; and Atlanta United FC, a soccer club. The Atlanta Motor Speedway hosts NASCAR events. The PATH Foundation has created more than 60 miles (with up to 200 to be created eventually) of multi-use greenway trails that wind through Atlanta's neighborhoods and metro areas. Other recreational features in the urban center include Zoo Atlanta, the Chattahoochee Nature Heart, Piedmont Park (the city's largest public park and the site of the 1895 International and Cotton wool States Exposition), Centennial Olympic Park (the largest urban park built in the United States in the last 20-5 years), and the Atlanta Botanical Garden.

Sections of the City and Points of Interest

Downtown

Atlanta is sometimes described every bit a "horizontal urban center." With few natural barriers to contain or restrict its growth, and profoundly influenced by the inflow of the car and the increased mobility that it brought, the urban center has developed in a sprawling, dispersed style. Population density is lower in the downtown area than in many large, older cities, such equally Chicago, Boston, or New York. Withal, the tallest and most closely grouped buildings in Atlanta are found in Five Points (the original and geographic center of the metropolis) and immediately due north along Peachtree Street. The downtown area also contains, north of 5 Points, the Georgia Earth Congress Centre, Georgia Dome, CNN Heart, Country Farm Arena, Centennial Olympic Park, the Civic Center, Georgia Institute of Engineering, the Fox Theatre, and the Atlanta Gimmicky Art Eye.

The Georgia Aquarium, one of the largest aquariums in the world, opened in downtown Atlanta in November 2005. Funded by Home Depot cofounder Bernie Marcus, the facility contains 8 million gallons of water and houses more than 100,000 marine and freshwater animals. The aquarium has dedicated 25 percent of its public space to educational programs, and scientists at the facility conduct research in such areas equally marine veterinary medicine and global conservation.

To the east of 5 Points is Georgia State University, Auburn Avenue (with many historic structures and important institutions, including the Martin Luther King Jr. National Historic Site and the Martin Luther King Centre for Irenic Social Change), and historic Oakland Cemetery. South of Five Points are Underground Atlanta, the Globe of Coca-Cola, the state capitol, urban center hall, and Grant Park (containing Zoo Atlanta).

To the west of Five Points in downtown Atlanta is the Atlanta University Center, which is the largest consortium of Black colleges and universities in the nation. The Atlanta University Center includes Spelman College, Morehouse College, Morris Brown College, Clark Atlanta University, the Interdenominational Theological Center, and the Morehouse School of Medicine. Also in the Atlanta University surface area is the residence of Atlanta's first Black millionaire, Alonzo Herndon, who founded Atlanta Life Insurance Company.

Northward

To the due north of downtown is Midtown Atlanta, which features another group of tall office and hotel buildings, residential communities, restaurants, and confined. Also constitute in this section of the urban center are Ansley Park (an early on-twentieth-century residential community), the Atlanta Botanical Gardens, Piedmont Park, the Margaret Mitchell House, the Woodruff Arts Center, Rhodes Hall, the Heart for Puppetry Arts, and the Museum of Pattern.

Further to the north along Peachtree Street is Buckhead, centered at the intersection of Peachtree and Roswell roads. In this area can be found the Atlanta History Center, the Governor's Mansion, the Roxy Theatre, Chastain Park and amphitheater, and Lenox Square (the metropolis'south get-go mall). Merely exterior Buckhead and the metropolis limits, along Peachtree Street, is Oglethorpe University.

East

To the east of downtown Atlanta can be found Inman Park (the city's first planned suburb) and the historic Virginia Highland neighborhood, the Carter Middle, Emory Academy, Michael C. Carlos Museum, Fernbank Museum of Natural History, Agnes Scott Higher, and East Lake Golf Club (where Bobby Jones learned to play golf). Little Five Points is the eye of the alternative arts and music scene and offers theaters, music venues, galleries, restaurants, and nightclubs.

South

The area of Atlanta south of downtown includes Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport; the site of Fort McPherson, which was purchased by the filmmaker Tyler Perry in 2015; and the United States Penitentiary Atlanta, a medium-security federal prison. Atlanta Metropolitan State College is likewise located south of Atlanta'due south downtown. It received land college condition in 2011.

West

The west side of Atlanta contains Booker T. Washington Loftier School; Washington Park (a Black residential customs built in the 1920s and containing the first public park, tennis courts, and pond puddle for African Americans in Atlanta); Hammonds House Galleries; and the Wren's Nest (home of writer Joel Chandler Harris).

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Source: https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/counties-cities-neighborhoods/atlanta/

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